My first #MeToo memory is from the kitchen of the Red Eagle Diner on Route 59 in Rockland County, N.Y. I was 16 years old, had moved out of my home, and was financially on my own. The senior waitresses in this classic Greek-owned diner schooled me fast. They explained that my best route to maximum cash was the weekend graveyard shift. \u201cPeople are hungry and drunk after the bars close, and the tips are great,\u201d one said.<\/p>\n
That first waitressing job would be short-lived, because I didn\u2019t heed a crucial warning. Watch out for Christos, a hot-headed cook and relative of the owner. The night I physically rebuffed his obnoxious and forceful groping, it took all the busboys holding him back as he waved a cleaver at me, red-faced and screaming in Greek that he was going to kill me. The other waitress held the door open as I fled to my car and sped off without even getting my last paycheck. I was trembling.<\/p>\n
Although there were plenty of other incidents in between, the next time I found myself that shaken by a sexual assault threat, I was 33 and in a Manhattan cab with a high-up official in the national AFL-CIO. He had structural power over me, as well as my paycheck and the campaign I was running. He was nearly twice my age and size. After offering to give me a lift in the cab so I could avoid the pelting rain walking to the subway, he quickly slid all the way over to my side, pinned me to the door, grabbed me with both arms and began forcibly kissing me on the lips. After a determined push, and before getting the driver to stop and let me out, I told the AFL-CIO official that if he ever did it again I\u2019d call his wife in a nanosecond.<\/p>\n
These two examples underscore that behind today\u2019s harassment headlines is a deeper crisis: pernicious sexism, misogyny and contempt for women. Whether in in our movement or not, serious sexual harassment isn\u2019t really about sex. It\u2019s about a disregard for women, and it shows itself numerous ways.<\/p>\n
For the #MeToo moment to become a meaningful movement, it has to focus on actual gender equality. Lewd stories about this or that man\u2019s behavior might make compelling reading, but they sidetrack the real crisis\u2014and they are being easily manipulated to distract us from the solutions women desperately need. Until we effectively challenge the ideological underpinnings beneath social policies that hem women in at every turn in this country, we won\u2019t get at the root cause of the harassment. This requires examining the total devaluation of \u201cwomen\u2019s work,\u201d including raising and educating children, running a home and caring for the elderly and the sick.<\/p>\n
It\u2019s time to dust off the documents from the nearly 50-year-old Wages for Housework Campaign. The union movement must step in now and connect the dots to real solutions, such as income supports like universal high-quality childcare, free healthcare, free university and paid maternity and paternity leave. We need social policies that allow women to be meaningful participants in the labor force\u2014more of a norm in Western Europe where unionization rates are high.<\/p>\n
Sexist thought is holding our movement back<\/strong> Some of the sexual harassers who see women as their playthings are men on \u201cour side\u201d with decision-making roles in unions. This mindset rejects real organizing, instead embracing shallow mobilizing and advocacy. It rejects the possibility that a future labor movement led by women in the service economy can be as powerful as the one led by men in the last century who could shut down machines. Factories, where material goods are produced by blue collar men are fetishized. Yet, today\u2019s factories\u2014the schools, universities, nursing homes and hospitals where large numbers of workers regularly toil side by side\u2014are disregarded, even though they are the key to most local economies. Educators and healthcare workers who build, develop and repair humans\u2019 minds and bodies are considered white and pink collar. This workforce is deemed less valuable to the labor movement, because the labor it performs is considered women\u2019s work.<\/p>\n While presenting on big healthcare campaign wins at conferences, I\u2019ve had men who identify as leftists repeatedly drill me with skeptical questions such as, \u201cWe thought all nurses saw themselves as professionals; you\u2019re saying they can have class solidarity?\u201d I wonder if these leftists missed which workers got behind the Bernie Sanders campaign first and most aggressively. I\u2019ve hardly ever met a nurse who didn\u2019t believe healthcare is a right that everyone deserves, regardless of ability to pay.<\/p>\n When I began negotiating hospital-worker contracts, which often included the nurses, I routinely had men in the movement say things like, \u201cIt\u2019s great you love working with nurses. They are such a pain in the ass at the bargaining table.\u201d These derogatory comments came from men who can\u2019t stand empowered women who actually might have an opinion, let alone good ideas, about what\u2019s in the final contract settlement. Many hold a related but distinct assumption: that the so-called private sector is more manly\u2014and therefore, important\u2014than the so-called public sector, which is majority-women. This belief also contributes to the devaluation of feminized labor.<\/p>\n Capitalism is one economic system, period. The fiction of these seemingly distinct sectors is primarily a strategy to allow corporations to feed off the trough of tax-payer money and pretend they don\u2019t. This master lie enables austerity, which is turning into a tsunami post-tax bill. And yet white, male, highly educated labor strategists routinely say that we need totally different strategies for the public and private sectors. Hogwash.<\/p>\n This deeply inculcated sexist thought\u2014conscious or not\u2014is holding back our movement and contributing to the absurd notion that unions are a thing of the past. These themes are discussed in my book “No Shortcuts, Organizing for Power in the New Gilded Age” (Oxford, 2016).<\/p>\n The union movement has increased the number of women and people of color in publicly visible leadership positions. But the labor movement\u2019s research and strategy backrooms are still dominated by white men who propagate the idea that organizing once worked, yet not anymore. This assertion is presented as fact rather than what it is: a structuralist argument. The erosion of labor law, relocation of factories to regions with few or no unions, and automation are the common reasons put forth. The argument omits the devastating failure of business unionism, and its successor\u2014the mobilizing approach, where decision-making is left in the hands of mostly white male strategists while telegenic women of color with \u201cgood stories\u201d are trotted out as props by communications staffers.<\/p>\n If you think these men are smarter than the millions of women of color who dominate today\u2019s workforce, then an organizing approach\u2014which rests the agency for change in the hands of women\u2014is definitely not your preferred choice. Mobilizing, or worse, advocacy, obscures the core question of agency: Whose is central to the strategy war room and future movement? As for loud liberal voices\u2014union and non-union\u2014that declare unions as a thing of the past, the forthcoming SCOTUS ruling on NLRB v Murphy Oil will prove most of the non-union \u201cinnovations\u201d moot. Murphy Oil is a complicated legal case that boils down to removing what are called the Section 7 protections under the National Labor Relations Act, and preventing class action lawsuits.<\/p>\n Murphy Oil blows a hole through the legal safeguards that non-union workers have enjoyed for decades, eviscerating much of the tactical repertoire of so-called Alt Labor, such as class-action wage-theft cases, and workers participating in protests called by nonunion community groups in front of their workplaces. The timing is horrific and uncanny: As women are finally finding their voices about sexual harassment at work, mostly in nonunion workplaces (as the majority are), Murphy Oil will prevent class action sexual harassment lawsuits.<\/p>\n Unions can\u2019t win without reckoning with sexism and racism<\/strong> The labor movement should also dispense of the belief that organizing and strikes can\u2019t work. It\u2019s self-defeating. Unions led by Chicago teachers and Philadelphia and Boston nurses, to name a few, prove this notion wrong. The growing economic sectors of education and healthcare are key. These workers have structural power and extraordinary social power. Each worker can bring along hundreds more in their communities.<\/p>\n Another key lesson for labor is to start taking smart risks, such as challenging the inept leadership in the Democratic Party by running its own pro-union rank-and-file sisters in primaries against the pro-corporate Democrats in safe Democratic seats, a target-rich environment. As obvious as it might sound, this strategy is heresy in the labor movement. Women who marched last January should demand that gender-focused political action committees, such as EMILY\u2019s list, use support for unionization as a litmus test for whether politicians running for office will get their support. No more faux feminist Sheryl Sandberg types.<\/p>\n It\u2019s time for unions to raise expectations for real gender equality, to channel the new battle cry to rid ourselves of today\u2019s sexual harassers into a movement for the gender justice that women in Scandinavian countries and much of Western Europe enjoy. To think of winning what has become almost normal gains in many countries\u2014year-long paid maternity and paternity leave, free childcare, healthcare and universities, six weeks\u2019 annual paid vacation\u2014is not pie-in-the-sky. To fight for it, people have to be able to imagine it.<\/p>\n The percentage of workers covered by union-negotiated collective agreements in much of Western Europe, the countries with benefits women in this country desperately need, is between 80 percent and 98 percent of all workers. This compares to a paltry 11.9 percent in the United States, as of 2013. This is far beyond a phased-in raise to $15 and hour\u2014still basically poverty, and a wage that most women with structural power in strategic sectors already earn.<\/p>\n Women can\u2019t win without building workplace power<\/strong> Women in the United States are stuck with bosses who abuse them, because to walk out could mean living in their cars or on the streets\u2014or taking two fulltime jobs and never spending a minute with their kids. Similarly, women are stuck in abusive marriages, because the decision to stop the beating means living on the streets. European women from countries where union contracts cover the vast majority of workers don\u2019t, to the same extent, face the decision of losing their husband\u2019s healthcare plan, or not having money to pay for childcare or so many of the challenges faced by women here. This country is seriously broken, and to fix it we must build the kind of power that comes with high unionization rates, which translate into political\u2014not just economic\u2014power.<\/p>\n Naming and shaming is not sufficient. Women need to translate the passion of this moment into winning the solution that will help end workplace harassment. A good union radically changes workplace culture for the better. The entire concept of a human resources office changes when a union is present. For example, when entering the human resources office, women aren\u2019t alone: They\u2019ve got their union steward. Union contracts effectively allow women to challenge bosses without being fired. Good unions do change workplace culture on these and many issues. Why else would the men who control corporations, and now the federal and most state governments, spend lavishly on professional union busters and fight so damn hard to destroy unions?<\/p>\n It\u2019s going to take a massive expansion of unions again\u2014like what happened in the 1930s, the last time unions were declared dead\u2014before we can translate #MeToo into a demand that raises all workers\u2019 expectations that this country can be a far more equal society. If we commit to this goal, we can achieve it. This time, the people leading the unions will be the same people who saved the nation from Roy Moore, because women of color are already at the center of the future labor force.<\/p>\n I went from sexual harassment in male-heavy restaurant kitchens to sexual harassment as a rare woman allowed into the kitchen cabinet of many successful campaigns. Whether it is union leaders ignoring the experience and genius of workers in today\u2019s strategic employment sectors of education and healthcare, politicians following the corporate line or individual bad bosses harassing their employees, all of it comes down to a disrespect and disregard for women, especially women of color. If we focus on the power analysis, the answer is staring us in the face. There is no time to waste. Everyone has to be all-in for rebuilding unions.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Jane McAlevey is an organizer, author and scholar. Her first book, “Raising Expectations (and Raising Hell)”, published by Verso Press, was named the \u201cmost valuable book of 2012\u201d by The Nation. Her second book, “No Shortcuts: Organizing for Power in the New Gilded Age”, published by Oxford University Press, was released late in 2016. She is a regular commentator on radio and TV. She continues to work as an organizer on union campaigns, lead contract negotiations, and train and develop organizers. She spent the past two years as a Post Doc at the Harvard Law School, and is presently writing her third book\u2014”Striking Back”\u2014about organizing, power and strategy, forthcoming from Verso.<\/em><\/p>\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" My first #MeToo memory is from the kitchen of the Red Eagle Diner on Route 59 in Rockland County, N.Y. I was 16 years old, had moved out of my home, and was financially on my own. The senior waitresses in this classic Greek-owned diner schooled me fast. 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\nSexist male leadership inside the labor movement is a barrier to getting at these very solutions. This assertion is sure to generate a round of, \u201cShe shouldn\u2019t write that, the bosses will use it against us.\u201d Let\u2019s clear that bullshit out of the way: We aren\u2019t losing unionization elections, strikes and union density because of truth-telling about some men in leadership who should be forced to spend out their years cleaning toilets in a shelter for battered women. And besides, we all know the bosses are far, far worse\u2014and have structural power over tens of millions of women in the United States and beyond.<\/p>\n
\nThe central lesson the labor movement should take from the #MeToo movement is that now is the time to reverse the deeply held notion that women, especially women of color, can\u2019t build a powerful labor movement. Corporate America and the rightwing are out to destroy unions, in part, so that they can decimate the few public services that do serve working-class families, including the Children\u2019s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), Medicaid, Medicare, Social Security and public schools. Movements won these programs when unions were much stronger. It makes sense that unions, and the women\u2019s movement, should throw down hardest to defend and grow these sectors, largely made up of women, mostly women of color, who are brilliant strategists and fighters.<\/p>\n
\nThere\u2019s enough wealth in this country to allow the rich to be rich and still eradicate most barriers to a genuine women\u2019s liberation, which starts with economic justice in the workplace. Upper-class mostly white women drowned out working-class women, many of color, in the 1960s and 1970s. The results of second-wave feminism are clear: Even though some women broke corporate and political glass ceilings and won a few favorable laws, individual rights will not truly empower women. Unions\u2014warts and all\u2014are central to a more equal society, because they bring structural power and collective solutions to problems that are fundamentally societal, not individual.<\/p>\n
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