{"id":381,"date":"2013-08-25T18:24:47","date_gmt":"2013-08-25T18:24:47","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/2013\/08\/25\/labour-crisis-threatens-all-democracy-terry-bell-2013\/"},"modified":"2013-08-25T18:24:47","modified_gmt":"2013-08-25T18:24:47","slug":"labour-crisis-threatens-all-democracy-terry-bell-2013","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/2013\/08\/25\/labour-crisis-threatens-all-democracy-terry-bell-2013\/","title":{"rendered":"Labour Crisis Threatens All Democracy &#8211; Terry Bell (2013)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><!--more--><br \/>\n<em><strong>LABOUR CRISIS THREATENS ALL DEMOCRACY<\/strong><\/em>\u201c<br \/>\nOne is workers\u2019 unity and evermore shall be so.\u201d So goes an old labour movement<br \/>\nsong summarising the prime goal of trade unionism. It is also captured in the slogan:<br \/>\nAn injury to one is an injury to all. Equally, however, a disruption to one usually<br \/>\nmeans a disruption to all.<br \/>\nBy the egalitarian standard of solidarity, the South African labour movement is in<br \/>\ncrisis, despite constant denials that this is the case. However, if this reality is<br \/>\nconfronted and most unions return to basic principles, it is possible that a strong,<br \/>\ndemocratic and united coalition of trade unions will emerge in future.<br \/>\nAnd this would include not just Cosau unions, but also those of the Federation of<br \/>\nUnions (Fedusa), the National Council of Trade Unions (Nactu) and the independent<br \/>\norganisations. Together they comprise the 196 bodies recognised by the registrar of<br \/>\ntrade unions.<br \/>\nAt the moment, there is no sign of this. Even the rush this week by both the National<br \/>\nUnion of Mineworkers (NUM) and Cosatu to support the strike call by the National<br \/>\nUnion of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) is an indication less of solidarity than of a<br \/>\ndesperate attempt to ensure that that federation does not come apart at the seams.<br \/>\nAnd the main seam that appears in danger of being rent from the fabric of Cosatu is<br \/>\nNumsa. It is against this background of hostility between the Numsa leadership and<br \/>\nthat of Cosatu and NUM, that this gesture must be seen.<br \/>\nIt ties in with the statement made on Monday by Bheki Ntshalishali, the man who has<br \/>\nstepped into the shoes of the controversially suspended Cosatu general secretary<br \/>\nZwelinzima Vavi. On a national radio programme Ntshalishali noted: \u201cUnity and<br \/>\ncohesion are very important.\u201d If anything this is an understatement, given the<br \/>\ndominant ideological strain within the tripartite alliance.<br \/>\nDogmatic adherence to the the ANC and its allies is a legacy of the days of exile<br \/>\nwhen opposition to apartheid was the only glue that bound together official<br \/>\ncommunists, socialists, capitalists, nationalists and political opportunists. Among this<br \/>\nhost were idealists, cynics, thieves, rogues, the craven and the brave. In short, a good<br \/>\ncross-section of an authoritarian and racist society.<br \/>\nAdded to this mix were individuals who, for one or other reason, served the interests<br \/>\nof the apartheid state and had been infiltrated into the exile ranks from as early as<br \/>\n1963. Awareness of this created an atmosphere of paranoia in which anyone who<br \/>\ndared to challenge or criticise the policies of the leadership \u2014 invariably not the<br \/>\ninfiltrators \u2014 would be labelled an anarchist, an agent or a counter revolutionary.<br \/>\nThis reinforced the concept that there was \u201conly one true way forward\u201d, a concept<br \/>\npromoted by the SA Communist Party (SACP) that saw itself establishing an SACPled<br \/>\nsocialism after first helping to institute a black (ANC) republic. This remains the<br \/>\ndominant underlying dogma.<br \/>\nHowever, there have been times when reality finally made it impossible to persist<br \/>\nwith even the most dearly held beliefs. But adapting to reality has seldom meant<br \/>\nadmitting errors; new myths worryingly make way for old, but usually only after<br \/>\nlengthy denials.<br \/>\nSo it is that the ANC, SACP and Cosatu continue to deny that any crisis exists. Yet<br \/>\nall are aware that a major research project, scheduled for release on August 29,<br \/>\napparently reveals that the majority of Cosatu shop stewards favour an independent<br \/>\n\u201clabour party\u201d.<br \/>\nThis report seems to highlight widespread disgruntlement with the status quo in the<br \/>\nlabour and political environments. The greatest evidence of this came with the<br \/>\nupheaval and horrific loss of life at Marikana.<br \/>\nA year on, there was a knee-jerk reaction from the SACP. The party again labelled<br \/>\nthe newest major labour player in the sector, the Association of Mineworkers and<br \/>\nConstruction Union (Amcu) \u201cvigilantes\u201d and, \u201ccounter revolutionaries\u201d responsible<br \/>\nfor \u201ckilling workers\u201d.<br \/>\nThe fierce reaction of the SACP and, to a lesser degree, the ANC, is perhaps<br \/>\nunderstandable when it is realised that two former NUM general secretaries, Kgalema<br \/>\nMotlathe and Gwede Mantashe, now hold, respectively, the positions of deputy<br \/>\npresident of the country and secretary general of the ANC. The president of NUM,<br \/>\nSenzeni Zokwana, also took over the chair of the SACP from Mantashe and the<br \/>\ncontroversial general secretary of the union, Frans Baleni, is an SACP central<br \/>\ncommittee member.<br \/>\nWhat this means is that the disintegration of NUM affects not only Cosatu but also<br \/>\nthe SACP and the ANC. The ruling alliance and the government, therefore, face the<br \/>\nsame crisis that reverberates throughout the labour movement.<br \/>\nAmcu has clearly benefitted in membership terms from desertions from NUM, but so<br \/>\ntoo has Numsa with former NUM members swelling Numsa\u2019s numbers to a claimed<br \/>\n320 000. However, the labour movement overall has been weakened as many former<br \/>\nunion members have simply opted out.<br \/>\nAnd while Amcu has provided the biggest ever membership boost to Nactu, this<br \/>\nfederation is still struggling. After flirting with Black Consciousness and the also<br \/>\nonce exiled Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), Nactu opted to be politically nonaligned,<br \/>\nbut failed to attract any large unions. The present general secretary of Nactu,<br \/>\nNarious Moloto, also holds the same position in the PAC, although he insists this<br \/>\ntemporary and in no way compromises the federation.<br \/>\nNactu and the bigger second fiddle in the labour federation business, Fedusa have<br \/>\nalso been trying in recent years, with little success, to launch a united front, the<br \/>\nSouthern African Confederation of Trade Unions. However, in the process, Fedusa<br \/>\nhas lost, to independent status, both its largest affiliate, the PSA (formerly the Public<br \/>\nServants Association), and the Independent Municipal Workers\u2019 Union (Imatu).<br \/>\nThe growing call now is back to basics: back to democratic control, to accountable<br \/>\nand recallable union leaders. This would almost certainly mean an end to party<br \/>\npolitical manipulation and to the expense account lifestyles of union bureaucrats.<br \/>\nThese are tall orders. But if a start if not soon made, the immediate future for the<br \/>\nlabour movement and for South Africa\u2019s fledgling democracy could be bleak.<br \/>\nTerry Bell<br \/>\nwriting, editing, broadcasting<br \/>\nspecialising in:<br \/>\npolitical\/economic analysis and labour<br \/>\nP.O Box 373, Muizenberg 7950<br \/>\nSouth Africa<br \/>\nTel: +27 +(0)21 788 9699<br \/>\nSkype: belnews \u2022 Twitter: @telbelsa<br \/>\nBlog: terrybellwrites.com<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[61],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/381"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=381"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/381\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=381"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=381"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=381"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}