{"id":388,"date":"2013-09-23T20:07:13","date_gmt":"2013-09-23T20:07:13","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/2013\/09\/23\/house-of-labor-needs-repairs-not-just-new-roommates-steve-early-2013\/"},"modified":"2013-09-23T20:07:13","modified_gmt":"2013-09-23T20:07:13","slug":"house-of-labor-needs-repairs-not-just-new-roommates-steve-early-2013","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/2013\/09\/23\/house-of-labor-needs-repairs-not-just-new-roommates-steve-early-2013\/","title":{"rendered":"House of Labor Needs Repairs, Not Just New Roommates &#8211; Steve Early (2013)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><!--more--><br \/>\n<em><strong>AFL-CIO Convention<br \/>\nLeaving Existing Members Behind?<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\n<em><strong>Steve Early<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nAs American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) leaders packed up to leave Los Angeles last Wednesday, they basked in the glow of favourable media coverage of their five-day convention. The meeting concluded, per usual, with fulsome delegate praise for President Rich Trumka&#8217;s carefully scripted chairing and bold personal leadership.<br \/>\nBut these accolades were apparently not enough. Writers Guild of America-East president Michael Winship claimed he had just witnessed the \u201cthe most radical restructuring of labour since the AFL and CIO merged nearly sixty years ago.\u201d Cribbing from Labor Notes\u2019 own 30-year old slogan, another national union president told The New York Times that the federation had finally \u201cput some movement back in the labour movement.\u201d Washington Post columnist Harold Meyerson agreed that AFL-CIO had made an important \u201cstrategic shift\u201d in how it intends \u201cto advance workers\u2019 interests.\u201d<br \/>\nFeedback was also quite positive from the hundreds of invited guests from worker centers, labour support coalitions, public policy groups, student, feminist, and community organizations, and \u201csocial change\u201d foundations \u2013 present in larger numbers than ever before.<br \/>\n<strong>\u201cAlt-Labour\u201d<\/strong><br \/>\nThese enthusiastic \u201csolidarity partners\u201d \u2013 from constituencies younger and more diverse than the delegate body \u2013 got to make \u201caction session\u201d presentations, hold press conferences and side rallies, and network with unions and foundation funders. Sometimes, rank-and-filers from \u201cAlt-labour\u201d groups even got airtime on the main stage, for moving celebrations of their difficult organizing work among fellow immigrants.<br \/>\nWho wouldn&#8217;t like to believe that a more exciting convention format prefigures a major turning point for labour? Unfortunately, greater inclusiveness, closer ties with non-labour allies, and the adoption of pleasingly progressive resolutions only begin to address the real organizing challenges facing labour, whether \u201calt\u201d or traditional.<br \/>\nMissing from the festivities last week in L.A. was much-needed focus on successful strategies for defending and revitalizing labour&#8217;s existing membership base.Workers who already belong to unions are under attack, on the job, at the bargaining table, and in the political arena everywhere. So the convention&#8217;s heavy emphasis on conventional political strategies and new forms of \u201cgrowth\u201d \u2013 through diluted forms of \u201cmembership\u201d \u2013 hardly seem \u201ctransformative\u201d enough to meet the challenges of the day.<br \/>\n<strong>D\u00e9j\u00e0 Vu All Over Again?<\/strong><br \/>\nThe proceedings did have a progressive buzz and grassroots sheen not seen since \u201cNew Voice\u201d candidate John Sweeney won the federation&#8217;s first contested presidential election in a century, in 1995. Sweeney&#8217;s team, which included former UMW leader Trumka, pledged to promote new organizing and political initiatives, community-labour alliances, and anti-globalization efforts, while expanding the role of women, immigrants, and people of color. Yet, as former AFL headquarters insider Bill Fletcher Jr. reported in his book, Solidarity Divided, these reform efforts ran out of steam by 1998. A decade after Sweeney&#8217;s election, his stalled agenda became frustrating to several leading affiliates, including the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), his own union.<br \/>\nIn 2005, SEIU, the Teamsters, and five others bolted the Church of New Voice in 2005 for a Change-to-Win storefront, just down the street, that seemed to have livelier music. In recent years, three of those defectors have returned to their original AFL-CIO pews, one-by-one. The largest of them, United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW), was just re-baptized as a federation affiliate last week in Los Angeles. UFCW&#8217;s 70-year old president Joe Hansen, dutifully expressed confidence that his new pastor, Brother Trumka, would \u201cfight like hell to fix the Affordable Care Act,\u201d an act of Congress (not God) now much afflicting its own faithful labour supporters.<br \/>\n<strong>Alt-Labor Uber Alles<\/strong><br \/>\nPushing 80 today, Sweeney didn&#8217;t officially retire until 2009. On his way out, he tossed the keys to \u201cThe Man from Nemacolin,\u201d as Trumka dubbed himself in a vanity film about his life screened at the AFL-CIO convention in Pittsburgh that year. With a mustachioed, more-energetic 64-year old at the helm \u2013 and two under-45 staffers on his new leadership team \u2013 last week&#8217;s convention proceeded to recycle New Voice ideas almost twenty-years old. Delegates and guests again embraced the need for community-labour coalition-building, greater independence in politics, and, of course, more members \u2013 preferably in the millions.<br \/>\nIt was taken as a given in L.A. that these additional working Americans can&#8217;t be recruited into traditional bargaining units. The \u201cnew thinking\u201d is that labour can boost its membership stats \u2013 and political clout \u2013 through closer structural ties to the Sierra Club, NAACP, National Council of La Raza, or MomsRising. This would enable the house of labour to count as \u201cmembers\u201d people on their mailing lists too.<br \/>\nThe other method is to count, as \u201cnew members,\u201d anyone ever solicited on their doorstep, by a canvasser from the AFL-CIO&#8217;s own, soon-to-be-expanded Alt-labour vehicle, known as Working America. This outfit, set-up originally for political action purposes, now claims 3.2 million \u201cmembers.\u201d Very few pay dues or have any workplace connection to each other. Yet, the federation spends more than $10-million a year on Working America, which is also subsidized by national and local union donations.<br \/>\nTo keep convention messaging on track, AFL headquarters helpfully prepared \u201cgeneral talking points.\u201d The most frequently heard refrain was, \u201cThis convention will be the most innovative and diverse in history. It&#8217;s an exciting time as we open our doors and engage with allies and the non-union community as never before.\u201d Unfortunately for federation spin-doctors, some avatars of the AFL&#8217;s more traditional labor organizations didn&#8217;t stay on message and their political influence was still much felt behind the scenes.<br \/>\n<strong>The Old Boyo Network<\/strong><br \/>\nIn an interview with Josh Eidelson from The Nation, Fire Fighters president Harold Schaitberger sounded the alarm about the AFL-CIO becoming \u201cthe American Federation of Progressive and Liberal Organizations.\u201d Schaitberger said he didn&#8217;t want the AFL to be just \u201can extension of one ideological part of our society\u201d because \u201cour responsibility is to represent workers\u2019 interests on workers\u2019 issues.\u201d<br \/>\nHarold&#8217;s colleagues in the always \u201cnon-ideological\u201d building trades have a long history of such progphobia. But, as the convention debate revealed last Wednesday, they fumbled the ball in 2009-10, on the very critical \u201cworkers\u2019 issue\u201d known as health care reform. With the AFL-CIO&#8217;s active support, the Obama Administration came up with an Affordable Care Act that now threatens to put labour-backed Taft-Hartley trust funds, covering 20 million people, at a fatal disadvantage and possibly out of business altogether. On Sept. 11, delegates finally got a chance to discuss Resolution 54, which calls for fixing the ACA so all forms of union-negotiated health coverage don&#8217;t end up being \u201cregressed to the mean,\u201d as one Congressional staffer described the impact of Obamacare, in a meeting with UNITE-HERE.<br \/>\n<strong>Take an Alt-Labourer To Lunch?<\/strong><br \/>\nThe labour oratory on Resolution 54 ranged from the overly deferential (to Obama) to the downright fearful and apocalyptic. IFPTE president Gregg Junemann, Maine AFL-CIO leader Matt Schlobohm, and RN Kathryn Donahue, from the California Nurses Association, all made the point that labour&#8217;s ultimate solution is Medicare-for-all, not job-based private insurance coverage. Only UNITE-HERE&#8217;s D. Taylor injected any organizing perspective into the debate; he called for union member mobilization to confront the politicians responsible for the current mess.<br \/>\nOne speaker on Resolution 54 was able to say, \u201cWe told you so.\u201d Terry O&#8217;Sullivan&#8217;s Laborers International Union of North America (LIUNA) saw enough trouble coming its way, in the form of the ACA, to break ranks with the rest Change to Win (CTW) and the AFL-CIO when both were cheering for Obamacare. Now, he warned, \u201cit&#8217;s going to be a big frickin\u2019 deal if our members lose their health insurance!\u201d<br \/>\nAt the convention, President O&#8217;Sullivan spent much time ranting, to the press, about labour&#8217;s betrayal by environmentalists, who have earned \u201csolidarity partner\u201d status despite their opposition to the Keystone XL pipeline project backed by LIUNA. Nevertheless, Terry is still scheduled to get a big award from Jobs with Justice\/American Rights at Work for LIUNA&#8217;s work with day labourers. His own union awarded him total compensation of $621,388 last year, so let&#8217;s hope Terry took a lot of Alt-labourers to lunch at his own expense! (Base salary for the LIUNA president was $454,225 in 2012; he also received $16,832 in reimbursements for official business and $150,331 in other forms of income.)<br \/>\nAmid O&#8217;Sullivan&#8217;s colorful fulmination about Sierra Club back-stabbing and the back-firing of ACA, he did make one worthwhile observation. \u201cWe came here to talk about a new movement,\u201d he said. \u201cBut let&#8217;s not forget about the old movement.\u201d<br \/>\n<strong>Going Where Need is Greatest?<\/strong><br \/>\nBack in June, when Trumka was addressing the Labor Research and Action Network (LRAN) in Washington, D.C., he made his own preferred focus quite explicit. \u201cThe labour movement needs to be not where we&#8217;ve been but where workers are most in need,\u201d he told a LRAN conference at Georgetown Law School. At the same meeting, a Cornell professor circulated a paper which implied that labour&#8217;s shift in focus might be OK because existing union members weren&#8217;t really that needy anymore. According to this campus expert, \u201cthe labour movement is stronger than it looks\u2026and most unions are doing an effective job at the bargaining table\u201d \u2013 a truly astounding claim given management&#8217;s quite successful, non-stop drive for give-backs in both the private and public sector.<br \/>\nMost in Trumka&#8217;s Alt-labour-oriented audience welcomed his remarks as another sign of labour&#8217;s creative rethinking of \u201cwhat it means for working people to have a collective voice and real power\u2026outside of traditional collective bargaining.\u201d At the convention last week, this de-emphasis on the workplace problems of current dues-payers was reflected in what workshops were offered and\/or rejected. You could learn about the pressing occupational health and safety needs of workers in Bangladesh but there was no equivalent brainstorming about building more union safety committees in the U.S. or the COSH movement here. Fighting give-backs, dealing with technological change, organizing and winning strikes, mobilizing members on the job, creating a \u201cstewards\u2019 army\u201d \u2013 face-to-face (as opposed to on-line) \u2013 none of these topics got much attention in the AFL&#8217;s \u201caction session\u201d line up.<br \/>\nLabour&#8217;s biggest and most transformative public sector struggle since the 2011 \u201cWisconsin Uprising\u201d was allotted a single presenter on the one panel about contract campaigning. (There were 45 workshops in all.) Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) organizer Matt Luskin recounted how CTU reformers rebuilt their local union, as a precursor to taking on Mayor Rahm Emmanuel, with strong community support, in the second largest strike in the last two years. The moderator of this panel, a retired AFL-CIO headquarters staffer, seemed to miss Luskin&#8217;s message, however. He expressed the hope that greater militancy among existing union members might be inspired by low-wage worker strikes \u2013 when it&#8217;s the CTU model of organizational change, rooted in union democracy and reform, that&#8217;s far more relevant to other unionized teachers (and union members generally), than Fight For Fifteen or Our Walmart activity.<br \/>\nAs dissident academic Stanley Aronowitz noted several months ago, \u201cOrganized labour is still more than 15 million strong. \u2018New\u2019 labour movement? Why not seek reform of the existing unions?\u201d But that topic is verboten at any AFL-CIO convention. There, affiliates like the American Federation of Teachers worry that the success of militant locals like CTU might breed more local or national-level leadership challenges of the sort that brought real change to the UMW and Teamsters in the 1970s and 1990s respectively.<br \/>\n<strong>Minority Union Reality Check<\/strong><br \/>\nU.S. unions aren&#8217;t going to meet the challenges they face by further abandoning the workplace terrain still occupied by their own members. The very embarrassing post-convention rebuff received by Trumka and the building trades at their Sept. 15 White House meeting about Obamacare calls for the widest possible membership mobilization response.<br \/>\nGay rights activists and DREAM Act campaigners have shown how to get this administration&#8217;s attention, but it&#8217;s not clear that organized labour is up to that task. The same AFL-CIO media relations operation that was going full-blast for five days in Los Angeles \u2013 and six months before that&#8211;suddenly fell silent last Friday, issuing only a meek \u201cno comment\u201d after top Administration officials dismissed labour&#8217;s health care reform concerns.<br \/>\nFinally, dumbing down the very concept of \u201cmembership,\u201d Working America-style, is not a \u201cstrategic shift\u201d by the AFL-CIO; it&#8217;s a shell game that has little to do with serious long-term efforts to build workplace organization in the absence of employer recognition and bargaining rights. One example of those struggles is the decade long \u201cminority union\u201d campaign at T-Mobile. In a convention plenary report and later \u201caction session\u201d presentation, fired T-Mobile worker Josh Coleman and Communications Workers of America (CWA) president Larry Cohen provided a much-needed reality check on the AFL&#8217;s recent hype about \u201cnon-traditional\u201d forms of organizing.<br \/>\nAs Cohen and Coleman acknowledged, building and sustaining TU, a voluntary membership organization of T-Mobile workers, has not been easy. The effort has received strong support from Verdi, CWA&#8217;s \u201csolidarity partner\u201d in Germany, which represents 100,000 workers at T-Mobile&#8217;s parent company. Yet, even with active involvement of many CWA locals and their member-organizers, it has taken ten years of work to recruit 1,000 TU supporters in a union-eligible workforce of 20,000 or more. Only fifteen T-Mobile workers in Connecticut have been able to win contract protection so far. But workplace education, cross-border networking, direct action, publicity, legal complaints, and community support have produced other non-contract gains.<br \/>\nFor similar union-building candor, plus equally valuable information sharing about organizing, bargaining, and strikes in sessions more geared to real action, I strongly recommend attendance at Labor Notes\u2019 own upcoming international conference. It&#8217;s not a meeting place that&#8217;s going to change the world of labour all by itself either. But the workplace perspective so MIA from the AFL convention will be on far greater display in Chicago next April 4-6. Alt-labourers and \u201cold union movement\u201d members alike will find common ground there, that&#8217;s far more solid than the official terra firma in La La Land last week.<br \/>\n<em>Steve Early is a national staff member of the Communications Workers of America, was involved in union bargaining, strikes, and new member organizing in telecom and other sectors. Between 1980 and 2007, he assisted CWA-backed \u201cAlt-labour\u201d experiments like the Massachusetts High Tech Workers Network, the Alliance@IBM, and WAGE at General Electric. His new book, Save Our Unions, contains a lengthy account of CWA&#8217;s on-going \u201cminority union\u201d campaign at T-Mobile, aided by Verdi, the German labour organization. He serves on the advisory committee for <a href=\"http:\/\/www.labornotes.org\">Labor Notes<\/a>, where a shorter version of this piece appeared.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[26],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/388"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=388"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/388\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=388"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=388"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=388"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}