{"id":516,"date":"2016-04-09T10:58:41","date_gmt":"2016-04-09T10:58:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/2016\/04\/09\/did-zuma-play-the-yugoslav-card-terry-bell-2016\/"},"modified":"2016-04-09T10:58:41","modified_gmt":"2016-04-09T10:58:41","slug":"did-zuma-play-the-yugoslav-card-terry-bell-2016","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/2016\/04\/09\/did-zuma-play-the-yugoslav-card-terry-bell-2016\/","title":{"rendered":"Did Zuma Play the &#8220;Yugoslav Card&#8221;? &#8211; Terry Bell (2016)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><!--more--><br \/>\nDID ZUMA PLAY THE \u2018YUGOSLAV CARD\u2019?<br \/>\nby Terry Bell<br \/>\nIt was the \u201cYugoslav card\u201d \u2014 the threat of territorial fragmentation \u2014 that enabled<br \/>\nPresident Jacob Zuma to ensure that the ANC leadership would rally behind him.<br \/>\nAccording to a member of the ANC executive (NEC), Zuma implied that KwaZulu-<br \/>\nNatal might rebel should he be axed.<br \/>\nThis raised again the spectre of the violence of the early 1990s as Inkatha Freedom<br \/>\nParty impis fought ANC defence units. But it also raised fears of a regional<br \/>\nbreakaway since Zuma, as an ANC leader, played a major role in brokering peace<br \/>\nbetween the IFP and ANC and claims support across the political spectrum in the<br \/>\nprovince.<br \/>\nHe made it clear that, unlike Mbeki, he would not go quietly and that, at the very<br \/>\nleast, this would result in a split in ANC ranks much more serious than the Congress<br \/>\nof the People breakaway following Mbeki\u2019s sacking. ANC secretary general, Gwede<br \/>\nMantashe, who also serves on the central committee of the Communist Party (SACP),<br \/>\nmade this point when he reported that the \u201ctop six\u201d leaders of the ANC were<br \/>\nunanimous in their support of Zuma. He noted that the ANC would not act against<br \/>\nZuma and so \u201ctear itself apart\u201d.<br \/>\nAn SACP statement was even more explicit, noting that \u201ctearing the ANC apart at<br \/>\nthis point, is a recipe for disaster for our country as a whole\u201d. Only an apparently<br \/>\nvery small minority of the NEC felt that \u201cZuma\u2019s bluff should be called\u201d. But none<br \/>\nraised this at the meeting. \u201cZuma has always been known as a Zulu nationalist,\u201d a<br \/>\nveteran former ANC exile noted.<br \/>\nAs if to illustrate that he was not bluffing, Zuma addressed a 15 000 strong crowd of<br \/>\nsupporters in Melmoth in the uTugulu district of KZN on the weekend, calling on<br \/>\nthem to unite as Africans. \u201cEven if you are in different political parties, you should<br \/>\nknow things that you can vote for separately and things that you need to vote for as a<br \/>\nunited nation,\u201d he said.<br \/>\nA group of local and municipal leaders at the gathering raised three fingers,<br \/>\nindicating that they supported a third term in office for Zuma.<br \/>\nHowever, whether the majority of the people of KZN would support breaking away<br \/>\nfrom the rest of the country is moot, but this is not the first time that a separate state<br \/>\non the eastern seaboard has been promoted. In 1960 the province, then Natal, was the<br \/>\nonly one to vote, in a whites-only referendum, against South Africa becoming a<br \/>\nrepublic.<br \/>\nThis led to a short-lived attempt by a group of United Party politicians in Natal to<br \/>\nrally support for a breakaway from South Africa. The only obvious sign of this was<br \/>\nthe fact that Pietermaritburg continued to fly the British union flag for years after the<br \/>\nrepublic was declared.<br \/>\nBut the idea of KZN as a separate entity within a federal South Africa was also<br \/>\ncanvassed several years later by Hendrik Verwoerd, the premier dubbed the architect<br \/>\nof apartheid. Under international pressure, Verwoerd sought ways to placate growing<br \/>\ncritics and established a secretive Kommunikasie Navorsings Kommittee (KNK &#8211;<br \/>\nCommunicaions Research Committee) to aid him.<br \/>\nThis was headed by a dedicated segregationist, the psychologist, Professor F. W.<br \/>\nBlignaut of the University of Pretoria. Secretary to the committee was Paul Heylen<br \/>\nwho was recruited from Belgium and who later played a part in the international<br \/>\npropaganda \u2014 \u201cMuldergate\u201d \u2014 campaign instituted by Eschel Rhoodie.<br \/>\nAccording to Heylen, the KNK was briefed by Verwoerd to subtlely canvass opinions<br \/>\nabout the possibility of a federated South Africa with Natal (KZN) following its own,<br \/>\nnominally non-racial policies, with \u201cseparate development\u201d applying to the rest of the<br \/>\ncountry. Verwoerd seemed convinced that such a solution would placate world<br \/>\nopinion and stave off possible investment and trade sanctions.<br \/>\nAdding fuel to conspiracy fires, Heylen maintained that Verwoerd was to have<br \/>\nannounced such a policy in parliament on the day he as stabbed to death by a<br \/>\nmessenger, Dmitri Tsafendis. The papers containing the speech he was to have<br \/>\ndelivered disappeared.<br \/>\nHow Mozambique born Tsafendis, officially classified \u201ccoloured\u201d and a former<br \/>\nmember of the Communist Party of SA became a messenger in the apartheid<br \/>\nparliament is one of the many question that remain to be answered about this episode.<br \/>\nTerry Bell<br \/>\nwriting, editing, broadcasting<br \/>\nspecialising in:<br \/>\npolitical\/economic analysis and labour<br \/>\nP.O Box 373, Muizenberg 7950<br \/>\nSouth Africa<br \/>\nTel: +27 +(0)21 788 9699<br \/>\nSkype: belnews \u2022 Twitter: @telbelsa<br \/>\nBlog: terrybellwrites.com<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[61],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/516"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=516"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/516\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=516"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=516"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/global-labour.info\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=516"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}