Cosatu spokesperson Patrick Craven was amazed at the media interest shown in the
eleventh national congress of the federation. Shortly before the congress opened its
doors, 347 media accreditations had been processed, with additional enquiries still
being dealt with.
What was obvious was that the widespread “mini Mangaung” hype generated by the
media itself — this column excepted — was generally believed: metaphoric blood
on the floor among the 3 000 delegates was expected. Even if it did not come to pass,
President Jacob Zuma, as keynote speaker, might well deliver some comment,
especially about the mayhem at Marikana, that would warrant such media attention.
But there was no day of the long knives on Monday as the entire sitting executive
was elected unopposed, with only the police and prisons union, Popcru raising an unseconded
proposal that additional nominations from the floor be considered. And
Zuma’s predictable input about the need for unity was hardly headline material and
the media battalions retreated, leaving behind a largely local journalistic core trying
to assess the width and depth of the political and ideological cracks beneath the often
confusing rhetoric.
However, Zuma did make an apparently unreported, off-the-cuff reference to the
Bible that summed up the ideological root of the broad church governing alliance: he
appealed to congress to learn from Christians who, at church every Sunday, were
reminded of what they should do and what their roles were.
In the process he noted, without elaboration, that Christians were reminded of John
Chapter 14, verse 6 just as alliance members should be reminded of the words of
ANC heroes such as former president, Chief Albert Luthuli.
The reference to the Book of John is the Biblical verse frequently paraphrased
politically as: “We are the truth, the life and the way. No-one comes to the
revolution but by us.” Perhaps Zuma did not mean it as the ANC-led alliance being
the only true way forward. But the comment reinforced the analysis of academic
Somadoda Fikeni who, in rather controversial circumstances, addressed the congress
as a substitute speaker.
Fikeni noted that what has generally not been appreciated is the way the ANC
alliance has managed to deal with contradictions, taking matters to the brink and then
pulling back. This, he said, was “the genius of the alliance”. He could have added:
“It is also the major fault.”
Because, as Fikeni agrees, the manner in which the pull-backs are achieved, is simply
by painting a veneer of unity at all costs over often bitter divisions in what is seen as
the only true way forward. Radical rhetoric and acronym-laden policy proposals —
RDP, Gear, Asgisa and NGP — also create verbal screens that disguise the fact that
nothing, basically, has changed.
The same approach, accompanied by often wooly rhetoric was clearly in evidence at
this Cosatu congress. However, the fact that the congress took place at what is
arguably a critical and possibly defining moment in the country’s history, was also
acknowledged — and this raised many concerns about the future.
Acknowledgement came, officially, in the secretariat political report presented by
general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi. This was criticised, roundly at at some length, by
the ANC, members of the SA Communist Party (SACP) and various delegates for
being too negative about the alliance.
Some of the same delegates who had earlier opposed allowing Fikeni — a critic of
government policy who is not a trade unionist — to address the congress, questioned
whether the report had been written by Cosatu members or by the academic. The
debate finally ended with Vavi pointing out that all affiliates, as well as the ANC and
the SACP, had been sent the report two months earlier and been asked to comment on
it. The few comments received were taken into account and amendments made.
What annoyed the critics on the congress floor was the stress in the report on trade
union independence and an admission that the alliance faced a crisis. They failed to
note that, in what is now standard procedure, the critical aspects of the report were
balanced out by professions of unconditional loyalty such as: “The political task of
the working class in this juncture is to defend the [ANC] leadership collective.”
So, amid warnings about the danger of paralysis at this crucial period, the same
tactics were applied with little, if any, consideration of the likely consequences these
may have in coming months and years. These could be severe, but the ANC-led
alliance is still seen by all factions as the only vehicle to the future.
Behind the scenes the struggles will continue and the precarious balance of multiple
contradictions along with the potential for further paralysis may be broken, perhaps
in an authoritarian manner or via the development of a radically democratic
alternative, referred to, especially by Vavi, as a “Lula Moment”.
A broad hint of this alternative, along with implied criticism of the present situation
is contained on the second page of each of the ten books of reports and resolutions
produced for the congress. It is the brief last interview given in March 1993 by
assassinated SACP leader Chris Hani, in which Hani outlined what a new ANC
government should do.
Hani called for a culture of “service to the people” that would include cutting down
the “salaries of ministers, of parliamentarians and all [their] subsidies”. In an ironic
twist, the congress began with Vavi reading out the interview on the very day that the
pay rise to R2.6 million to the key note speaker was announced.
Hani also called on the ANC to allow the “formation of many democratic formations”
that would include “independent trade unions”, a fact Vavi underlined — to the
annoyance of several delegates. Yet Vavi was elected unopposed. As were the other
office bearers.
In this respect, Cosatu in Midrand may be seen as a rehearsal for Mangaung, in the
sense that the leader will remain in place, perhaps professing a new, radical way
forward while growing divisions remain.