LABOUR CRISIS THREATENS ALL DEMOCRACY“
One is workers’ unity and evermore shall be so.” So goes an old labour movement
song summarising the prime goal of trade unionism. It is also captured in the slogan:
An injury to one is an injury to all. Equally, however, a disruption to one usually
means a disruption to all.
By the egalitarian standard of solidarity, the South African labour movement is in
crisis, despite constant denials that this is the case. However, if this reality is
confronted and most unions return to basic principles, it is possible that a strong,
democratic and united coalition of trade unions will emerge in future.
And this would include not just Cosau unions, but also those of the Federation of
Unions (Fedusa), the National Council of Trade Unions (Nactu) and the independent
organisations. Together they comprise the 196 bodies recognised by the registrar of
trade unions.
At the moment, there is no sign of this. Even the rush this week by both the National
Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and Cosatu to support the strike call by the National
Union of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) is an indication less of solidarity than of a
desperate attempt to ensure that that federation does not come apart at the seams.
And the main seam that appears in danger of being rent from the fabric of Cosatu is
Numsa. It is against this background of hostility between the Numsa leadership and
that of Cosatu and NUM, that this gesture must be seen.
It ties in with the statement made on Monday by Bheki Ntshalishali, the man who has
stepped into the shoes of the controversially suspended Cosatu general secretary
Zwelinzima Vavi. On a national radio programme Ntshalishali noted: “Unity and
cohesion are very important.” If anything this is an understatement, given the
dominant ideological strain within the tripartite alliance.
Dogmatic adherence to the the ANC and its allies is a legacy of the days of exile
when opposition to apartheid was the only glue that bound together official
communists, socialists, capitalists, nationalists and political opportunists. Among this
host were idealists, cynics, thieves, rogues, the craven and the brave. In short, a good
cross-section of an authoritarian and racist society.
Added to this mix were individuals who, for one or other reason, served the interests
of the apartheid state and had been infiltrated into the exile ranks from as early as
1963. Awareness of this created an atmosphere of paranoia in which anyone who
dared to challenge or criticise the policies of the leadership — invariably not the
infiltrators — would be labelled an anarchist, an agent or a counter revolutionary.
This reinforced the concept that there was “only one true way forward”, a concept
promoted by the SA Communist Party (SACP) that saw itself establishing an SACPled
socialism after first helping to institute a black (ANC) republic. This remains the
dominant underlying dogma.
However, there have been times when reality finally made it impossible to persist
with even the most dearly held beliefs. But adapting to reality has seldom meant
admitting errors; new myths worryingly make way for old, but usually only after
lengthy denials.
So it is that the ANC, SACP and Cosatu continue to deny that any crisis exists. Yet
all are aware that a major research project, scheduled for release on August 29,
apparently reveals that the majority of Cosatu shop stewards favour an independent
“labour party”.
This report seems to highlight widespread disgruntlement with the status quo in the
labour and political environments. The greatest evidence of this came with the
upheaval and horrific loss of life at Marikana.
A year on, there was a knee-jerk reaction from the SACP. The party again labelled
the newest major labour player in the sector, the Association of Mineworkers and
Construction Union (Amcu) “vigilantes” and, “counter revolutionaries” responsible
for “killing workers”.
The fierce reaction of the SACP and, to a lesser degree, the ANC, is perhaps
understandable when it is realised that two former NUM general secretaries, Kgalema
Motlathe and Gwede Mantashe, now hold, respectively, the positions of deputy
president of the country and secretary general of the ANC. The president of NUM,
Senzeni Zokwana, also took over the chair of the SACP from Mantashe and the
controversial general secretary of the union, Frans Baleni, is an SACP central
committee member.
What this means is that the disintegration of NUM affects not only Cosatu but also
the SACP and the ANC. The ruling alliance and the government, therefore, face the
same crisis that reverberates throughout the labour movement.
Amcu has clearly benefitted in membership terms from desertions from NUM, but so
too has Numsa with former NUM members swelling Numsa’s numbers to a claimed
320 000. However, the labour movement overall has been weakened as many former
union members have simply opted out.
And while Amcu has provided the biggest ever membership boost to Nactu, this
federation is still struggling. After flirting with Black Consciousness and the also
once exiled Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), Nactu opted to be politically nonaligned,
but failed to attract any large unions. The present general secretary of Nactu,
Narious Moloto, also holds the same position in the PAC, although he insists this
temporary and in no way compromises the federation.
Nactu and the bigger second fiddle in the labour federation business, Fedusa have
also been trying in recent years, with little success, to launch a united front, the
Southern African Confederation of Trade Unions. However, in the process, Fedusa
has lost, to independent status, both its largest affiliate, the PSA (formerly the Public
Servants Association), and the Independent Municipal Workers’ Union (Imatu).
The growing call now is back to basics: back to democratic control, to accountable
and recallable union leaders. This would almost certainly mean an end to party
political manipulation and to the expense account lifestyles of union bureaucrats.
These are tall orders. But if a start if not soon made, the immediate future for the
labour movement and for South Africa’s fledgling democracy could be bleak.
Terry Bell
writing, editing, broadcasting
specialising in:
political/economic analysis and labour
P.O Box 373, Muizenberg 7950
South Africa
Tel: +27 +(0)21 788 9699
Skype: belnews • Twitter: @telbelsa
Blog: terrybellwrites.com